Thursday, August 21, 2008

No escape from race politics

PERMATANG PAUH, Aug 21 — Late on Monday night, under the glare of harsh fluorescent lights, several hundred people turned up to listen to opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim.

They were almost all Malay-Muslim and conservative — even young girls wore the tudung.



The rally was, after all, held at the village base of the Islamist Pas, a partner in Anwar's opposition Pakatan Rakyat alliance.



The warm-up speaker was Perak Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Nizar Jamaluddin, an urbane Pas leader who leads one of Malaysia's most multiracial states, and whose ability to spout a smattering of Mandarin and Tamil has won the hearts of non-Malays.



He recited a Quranic verse that explained it was a religious dictum for different races to get along.



“That is the very creed of Pakatan Rakyat,” he told the 500-strong crowd in Kampung Petani.



That is the message of Anwar and his coalition partners, and he is holding firm even in the face of accusations that he has sold out Malay interests to further his personal ambition to become prime minister.



Anwar is contesting a by-election in this predominantly Malay constituency in his bid to return to Parliament.



He told the crowd he had not abandoned his identity as a Malay and Muslim, “but we want new politics in Malaysia”.



“The Chinese live here, the Indians live here, are we to ask them to go back? They don't have anywhere else to go. We give them justice, no problem about that,” he said.



It was this same multiracial message that won the Pakatan significant support from non-Malays in the March 8 general election which changed the shape of Malaysian politics.



Led by the astute Anwar, his coalition partners — especially Pas — toned down their race rhetoric.



And the ruling Barisan Nasional saw its non-Malay support plunge from a steady 50-plus per cent of Chinese and 80 per cent of Indians to about 30 per cent.



Almost six months on, the non-Malays are in no hurry to return to the BN fold.



Two of the BN's main component parties — the MCA and MIC — remain mired in crisis over their relevance.



In turn, the dominance of Umno, the Malay-based backbone of the BN, is becoming ever more apparent, further alienating non-Malays.



An MIC grassroots member in Permatang Pauh told The Straits Times he would not vote for the BN as long as it was unable to defend minority interests.



Like him, many non-Malays now see Umno as arrogant and racist after it ratcheted up its Malay rhetoric in recent years.



So it would seem to the casual observer that Malaysia's opposition now represents multiracialism whereas the BN represents old-style race-based politics.



Indeed, much has been made about how race politics went out the window last March, and everyone has a story about elderly Chinese aunties voting for the Islamic Pas for the first time.



In reality, however, it is merely the racial balance between the opposition and the BN that has changed.



The Malays have stayed with the BN, while the non-Malays have crossed over to the opposition.



Anger over the distribution of wealth and the perception of a corrupt government caused a 5 per cent swing away from the BN among the Malays, but these were largely urban voters. Rural Malays, who depend heavily on the government for their livelihood, have stayed with the BN.



Today, the ruling coalition is seen more than ever as a Malay base and the opposition, a camp for non-Malays. Race remains a major factor in this fluid political scene.



It is proving an uphill battle for the BN to win back the non-Malays. For the first time, the minorities see in Anwar a leader who has promised to safeguard their interests, and who has a real shot at the country's top job.



But sentiment among Malays is more divided. Some quarters want Malays to believe their interests are taking a backseat.



Note the surge of activities by Malay non-governmental groups, often linked to Umno, to push for Malay interests.



Note the stream of articles in the mass-selling Utusan Malaysia championing Malay rights and criticising minorities' demands.



Note also the “unity talks” between Umno and Pas. The talks ground to a halt after a backlash from Pas’s coalition partners, as well as Islamic party stalwarts who distrust Umno.



What is clear is that an old battle is being played out: both Umno and Pas vying for Malay support.



In this tussle, the opposition seems to have made at least one major misstep. A call by its Selangor Menteri Besar Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim to allow non-Malays in the Malays-only Universiti Teknologi Mara has not gone down well among Malays.



In the short term, Umno may benefit from the opposition's insistence on defending its multiracial line.



But in the medium term, Umno has much to lose. The more fervently it pushes the Malay cause, the more likely it will be to further alienate minorities and its non-Malay coalition partners.



The contest in this constituency is as much about race as it is about Anwar.



Attend any opposition gathering here, and it is evident that opposition leaders show a determination to be multiracial. With the non-Malay vote in the bag, they want to secure the Malay vote by not straying from this line.



The BN is gunning for the Malay vote.



The Permatang Pauh by-election may shed some light on where Malay loyalties lie, but it will not reveal any magic formula for a new configuration of power.



Race politics remain a major force in Malaysia.

-TMI

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